The Bodhisattva Ideal in Theravaad

·期刊原文
THE BODHISATTVA IDEAL IN THERAVAADA

BUDDHIST THEORY AND PRACTICE:
A REEVALUATION OF THE
BODHISATTVA-`SRAAVAKA OPPOSITION
By Jeffrey Samuels
Philosophy East and West
Volume 47, Number 3
July 1997
P.399-415
(C) by University of Hawai'i Press

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P.399

In the academic study of Buddhism the terms
"Mahaayaana" and "Hiinayaana" are often set in
contradiction to each other, and the two vehicles
are described as having different aspirations,
teachings, and practices. The distinctions made
between the Mahaayaana and the Hiinayaanaa, however,
force the schools into neat, isolated, and
independent categories that often undermine the
complexities that exist concerning their beliefs,
ideologies, and practices.

While some of the categories used to
differentiate the Mahaayaana and the Hiinayaana are
helpful in the study and interpretation of Buddhism,
these distinctions must continually be reviewed.
This article attempts to review one such
distinction: the commonly held theoretical model
that postulates that the goal of Mahaayaana
practitioners is to become buddhas by following the
path of the bodhisattva (bodhisattva-yaana), whereas
the goal of Hiinayaana practitioners is to become
arahants by following the path of the Hearer or the
Buddha's disciples (`sraavaka-yaana) . In
demonstrating the oversimplifications inherent in
this model, this article will investigate the
presence and scope of the bodhisattva ideal in
Theravaada Buddhist theory and practice.

By raising issues surrounding the
Mahaayaana-Hiinayaana opposition, however, I am not
suggesting that distinctions cannot be made between
the two vehicles, nor am I proposing to do away with
the terms "Mahaayaana" and "Hiinayaana." Rather, in
exploring the oversimplifications inherent in the
Mahaayaana-Hiinayaana dichotomy, it is my intention
to replace the theoretical model that identifies (1)
Mahaayaana Buddhism with the bodhisattva-yaana and
(2) Hiinayaana Buddhism with the `sraavakayaana with
a model that is more representative of the two
vehicles. In doing so, the implied purpose of this
article, as is John Holt's study of the place and
relevance of Avalokite`svara in Sri Lanka, is to
"raise questions among students of Buddhism
regarding the very utility of the terms Mahaayaana
... and THeravaada as designating wholly distinctive
religiohistorical constructs"(1) (emphasis added).

Before turning to the presence and scope of the
bodhisattva ideal in Theravaada Buddhism (the only
extant school of Hiinayaana Buddhism), it may be
beneficial to investigate briefly the sources that
identify the bodhisattva-yaana with Mahaayaana
Buddhism and the `sraavaka-yaana with Hiinayaana
Buddhism. Instead of looking at how this model is
appropriated by scholars of Buddhism, I will turn to
the writings of three Mahaayaana Buddhists in which
this bifurcation is suggested.

P.400

One of the first Mahaayaana Buddhists who
identifies the bodhisattva-yaana with Mahaayaana
Buddhism and the `sraavaka-yaana with Hiinayaana
Buddhism is Naagaarjuna. In his Precious Garland of
Advice for the King (Raajaparikathaa-ratnamaalaa),
Naagaarjuna rhetorically asks "Since all the
aspirations, deeds and dedications of Bodhisattvas
were not explained in the Hearers' vehicle, how then
could one become a Bodhisattva through its path?"(2)
In another instance, Naagaarjuna writes that "[In
the Vehicle of the Hearers] Buddha did not explain
the bases for a Bodhisattva's enlightenment."(3)
While Naagaarjuna compares the `sraavaka-yaana with
the bodhisattva-yaana in these first two passages,
he later states that "the subjects based on the
deeds of Bodhisattvas were not mentioned in the
[Hiinayaana] suutras."(4) Naagaarjuna's third
passage, then, suggests that subjects concerning
bodhisattvas are found only in Mahaayaana texts and
are absent from all Hiinayaana texts.

Another Mahaayaana Buddhist to uphold a
Mahaayaana-Hiinayaana distinction based on a
bodhisattva-`sraavaka opposition is Asa^nga. As
Richard S. Cohen illustrates,(5) Asa^nga posits, in
his Mahaayaanasuutraala.mkaara, that the Great
Vehicle and the Hearers' Vehicle are mutually
opposed.(6) Their contradictory nature includes
intention, teaching, employment (i.e., means) ,
support (which is based entirely on merit and
knowledge), and the time that it takes to reach the
goal.(7) After Asa^nga discusses the opposing nature
of these two vehicles, he then identifies the
`sraavakayaana as the lesser vehicle (Hiinayaana),
and remarks that the lesser vehicle (yaana.m
hiina.m) is not able to be the great vehicle
(Mahaayaana) .(8)

Candrakiirti is yet another Mahaayaana thinker
who views the Mahaayaana and the Hiinayaana as being
mutually opposed. Like Asa^nga, Candrakiirti uses
the bodhisattva-`sraavaka distinction to separate
Mahaayaana and Hiinayaana Buddhism as well as to
promote the Mahaayaana tradition over and against
Hiinayaana Buddhism. In his Maadhyamakaavataara, for
instance, he remarks that the lesser vehicle
(Hiinayaana) is the path reserved solely for
disciples and solitary buddhas, and that the greater
vehicle (Mahaayaana) is the path reserved solely for
bodhisattvas. Not only does Candrakiirti associate
the bodhisattva-yaana with Mahaayaana Buddhism, he
also clings to the belief that the Hiinayaana
schools know nothing of the "stages of the career of
the future Buddha, the perfect virtues (paaramitaa),
the resolutions or vows to save all creatures, the
application of merit to the acquisition of the
quality of Buddha, [and] the great compassion."(9)
In other words, for Candrakiirti (as for
Naagaarjuna), the Hiinayaana tradition does not
present a bodhisattva doctrine.

The points raised by these Mahaayaana Buddhists
are problematic for three reasons. First, the
dichotomy presented by both Asa^nga and Candrakiirti
sets up an opposition between an ideology and an
institutional affiliation. Rather than comparing an
ideology with an ideology (bodhisattva and
`sraavaka) or a Buddhist school with another
Buddhist school,

P.401

this opposition contrasts one ideology (arahantship
through following the `sraavaka-yaana) with an
institutional affiliation (Mahaayaana Buddhism). In
order for a more accurate distinction to be
constructed, then, we must either compare the
bodhisattva-yaana with the `sraavaka-yaana, or
compare a Mahaayaana Buddhist school with a
Hiinayaana Buddhist school.

Another problem with the ideas put forth by
Naagaarjuna, Asa^nga, and Candrakiirti concerns
their statements that Mahaayaana and Hiinayaana
Buddhism are mutually contradictory and exclusive.
These assertions undermine the fact that the terms
"Hiinayaana" and "Mahaayaana" refer to numerous
schools and that the category of "Hiinayaana"
includes even a number of "proto-Mahaayaana" schools
(e.g., the Mahaasa^nghikas).(10) By using the terms
"Mahaayaana" and "Hiinayaana" monolithically, these
thinkers ignore the plurality of doctrines, goals,
and paths that are present in the schools.

The third problem inherent in the statements of
these writers, and which will be the focus of this
article, is that they assume that all followers of
the Hiinayaana are `sraavakas striving to become
arahants while all followers of the Mahaayaana are
bodhisattvas on the path to buddha-hood. As we shall
see through the example of the only extant
Hiinayaana school, the Theravaadin tradition, this
is clearly not the case.

Before reevaluating the bodhisattva-`sraavaka
opposition as it is presented by Naagaarjuna,
Asa^nga, and Candrakiirti, it is first necessary to
ascertain the presence and scope of the bodhisattva
ideal in Theravaada Buddhism. This will be
accomplished by looking at the presence of the ideal
in the Theravaada Buddhist Paali canon (theory) as
well as by investigating how the same ideal
permeates the lives of Theravaada Buddhists
(practice).

The presence of the bodhisattva ideal in the
Theravaada Buddhist Paali canon is primarily
restricted to Gotama Buddha. The use of the term
"bodhisattva" occurs in a number of the suuttas (Skt:
suutra) in the Majjhima, Anguttara, and Samyutta
Nikaayas where the Buddha is purported to have said:
"Monks, before my Awakening, and while I was yet
merely the Bodhisatta [Skt: bodhisattva], not
fully-awakened...."(11) In addition to referring to
the present life of Gotama, the term "bodhisattva"
is also used in relation to the penultimate life of
Gotama in Tu.sita (Paali: Tusita) heaven, as well as
his conception and birth.(12)

In later canonical texts, the bodhisattva ideal
is further developed and associated with numerous
concepts. These developments (which include the
concept of a bodhisattva vow) may be said to
introduce "into Theravaada Buddhism what in
Mahaayaana studies has been called 'the Bodhisattva
ideal.'"(13) In the Sutta Nipaata, for example, the
term "bodhisattva" refers to the historical Buddha
prior to his enlightenment and signifies a being set
on Buddhahood.(14) In addition, the bodhisattva
ideal in this text is also associated with the
quality of compassion. This is

P.402

exemplified by the sage Asita's remark to Gotama's
father (Suddhodana) that the young
bodhisattva-prince "will come to the fulfillment of
perfect Enlightenment... [and] will start turning
the wheel of Truth out of compassion for the
well-being of many."(15)

In yet another canonical text, the Buddhava.msa,
the bodhisattva ideal is developed to the greatest
extent. Here, the bodhisattva ideal refers to an
ideal personage who makes a vow to become a fully
and completely enlightened buddha (sammaasambuddha)
out of compassion for all sentient beings,(16) who
performs various acts of merit,(17) and who receives
a prophecy of his future buddhahood.(18) In
addition, the bodhisattva depicted in the
Buddhava.msa makes a vow to become a bodhisattva
only after the attainment of arahantship is within
reach. This is portrayed in the chronicle of
Sumedha. While Sumedha was lying in the mud and
offering his body to the Buddha Diipa^nkara to walk
on, Sumedha thought: "If I so wished I could burn up
my defilements today. What is the use while (remain)
unknown of realizing dhamma here? Having reached
omniscience, I will become a Buddha in the world
with the devas."(19)

Another idea that arises in conjunction with the
bodhisattva ideal is the need to complete a number
of bodhisattva perfections (paaramitaa); this can be
found most clearly in the Buddhava.msa and the
Cariyaapi.taka.(20) In these two texts, ten
perfections are delineated, as opposed to six
perfections described in certain Mahaayaana texts
(e.g., the
A.s.tasaahasrikaa-Praj~naapaaramitaasuutra and the
Ratnagu.nasa.mcayagaathaa). The Buddhava.msa and the
Cariyaapi.taka also discuss how each of the ten
perfections may be practiced at three different
levels: a regular degree, a higher degree, and an
ultimate degree of completion.

Though the concept of three degrees of
perfection is suggested in the Buddhava.msa,(21) the
Cariyaapi.taka explores the idea in more detail,
especially with the example of the first
paaramitaa--giving (daana). To exemplify how the
perfection of giving (daana) was completed in the
lowest degree, we find stories of how the
bodhisattva gave people food; his own sandals and
shade; an elephant; gifts to mendicants; wealth;
clothing, beds, food, and drink; offerings; and even
his own family members.(22) To illustrate how the
same perfection was fulfilled in the middle degree,
we read how the bodhisattva gave away his bodily
parts such as his eye.(23) And finally, to
demonstrate how the perfection of giving was
fulfilled in the highest degree, we find a story of
how the bodhisattva gave away his own life when he
was a hare.(24)

In the Paali canon, the term "bodhisattva" is
also used in reference to other previous buddhas.
For instance, in the Mahaapadaanasutta of the Diigha
Nikaaya, the notion of past buddhas (and hence past
bodhisattvas) is elucidated. In the beginning of
this sutta, the six buddhas who preceded Gotama are
mentioned as well as their names, the eons when they

P.403

became buddhas (i.e., when they attained
enlightenment and taught), their caste, their clan,
their life span, the trees where they attained
enlightenment, the number of their disciples, their
personal attendants, and their parents.(25) After
briefly outlining the lives of these six buddhas,
Gotama begins an in-depth recollection of the first
buddha, Vipassii, from his life in Tu.sita heaven
until he dispersed his monks for the purpose of
spreading the teachings. In this narration, the
Buddha not only refers to Vipassii up to his
enlightenment as a bodhisattva,(26) but also takes
the life events of Vipassii as the example for all
future bodhisattvas and buddhas, including
(retroactively) Gotama himself.(27)

Another section of the sutta-pi.taka where the
term "bodhisattva" pertains to each of the six
previous buddhas is the Samyutta Nikaaya. For
instance, in the fourth section of the second book,
we find the phrase "To Vipassi, brethren, Exalted
One, Arahant, Buddha Supreme, before his
enlightenment, while he was yet unenlightened and
Bodhisat[ta], there came this thought...." This same
phrase, then, is used in conjunction with the other
five previous buddhas in the following verses:
Sikhi, Vessabhu, Kakusandha, Konaagama.na, and
Kassapa.(28)

While most of the uses of the term "bodhisattva"
concern Gotama Buddha and the numerous buddhas who
preceded him, there are also references in the Paali
canon to the possibility of future buddhas (and
hence bodhisattvas) . For example, in the
Cakkavatisiihanaadasutta of the Diigha Nikaaya, the
Buddha foretells of the future when "an Exalted One
named Metteyya [Skt: Maitreya], Arahant, Fully
Awakened [i.e., sammaasambuddha], abounding in
wisdom and goodness, happy, with knowledge of the
worlds, unsurpassed as a guide to mortals willing to
be led, a teacher for gods and men, and Exalted One,
a Buddha, even as I am now," will arise.(29)

Though Maitreya is the only future buddha
mentioned specifically, the possibility of attaining
buddhahood is not restricted solely to him. In the
Sampasaadaniiyasutta of the Diigha Nikaaya, for
instance, Saariputta is professed to have said: "In
the presence of the Exalted One have I heard him say
and from him have received, that... in times gone by
and in future times there have been, and will be
other Supreme Buddhas equal to himself [i.e.,
Gotama] in the matter of Enlightenment."(30) Thus,
no longer is the term "bodhisattva" used solely in
conjunction with Gotama, with other past buddhas,
and with Maitreya; the bodhisattva-yaana is regarded
as a possible, albeit difficult, path open to anyone
who desires buddhahood.

This more expanded use of the term "bodhisattva"
is explicitly expressed in the Khuddakapaa.tha. In
the eighth chapter of this canonical text (the
Nidhika.n.dasutta) , the goal of buddhahood is
presented as a goal that should be pursued by
certain exceptional beings. After demonstrating the
impermanence and uselessness of accumulating and
storing

P.404

material possessions or treasures, the sutta
mentions another type of treasure that is more
permanent and which follows beings from birth to
birth. This treasure results from giving (daana),
morality (siila) , abstinence (sa.myama) , and
restraint (dama) . This treasure fulfills all
desires, leads to a rebirth in a beautiful body,
enables one to become sovereign of a country and a
loving spouse, and leads to rebirth in the human
realm (from which liberation is possible) Moreover,
the qualities of charity, virtue, abstinence, and
restraint lead to the wisdom which produces the
"bliss of Extinguishment" of either arahants,
pratyekabuddhas, or completely enlightened buddhas.
We read:

Discriminating knowledge, release of mind, the
perfections of a Noble Disciple (of a Buddha)
[i.e., saavaka-paaramii], the Enlightenment of a
Silent Buddha [i.e., paccekabodhi] and the
requisites for (Supreme) Buddhahood [i.e.,
buddhabhuumi], all these (qualities) can be
obtained by this (treasure).... Therefore wise
and educated men praise the acquisition of
meritorious actions.(31)

This sutta illustrates that the goal of buddhahood
and the path to the goal (i.e., bodhisattva-yaana)
are no longer simply associated with specific
buddhas of the past and future; rather, buddhahood
is one of three possible goals that may be pursued
by "wise and educated" people.(32)

Though the idea that anyone may become a buddha
through following the bodhisattva-yaana is only
present in the Theravaada Buddhist Paali canon in
seed form, it appears, nonetheless, to have been
taken seriously by Theravaadins. This is illustrated
in the lives of numerous Theravaadin kings, monks,
and textual copyists who have taken the bodhisattva
vow and are following the bodhisattva-yaana to the
eventual attainment of buddhahood.

The relationship between kings and bodhisattvas
has its source in the bodhisattva career of Gotama
as depicted not only in his life as Prince
Siddhaartha (Paali: Siddhattha), but also in his
penultimate earthly life when he was King
Vessantara. As King Vessantara, the bodhisattva
exhibited his compassion by fulfilling the
perfection of giving. For instance, we find that the
bodhisattva gave away his elephant to alleviate a
drought in nearby Kaali^nga, his wealth, his
kingdom, and his wife and children, and was even
willing to give away his own life out of compassion
for other beings.

Though the paradigm for the close association
between the institution of kingship and buddhahood
came from Gotama when he was a bodhisattva, it was
quickly adopted by Theravaadin kings by the second
century B.C.E. and fully incorporated after the
eighth century C.E. In the early examples, we find
the relationship drawn between kings and
bodhisattvas in numerous, albeit tempered, ways. For
instance, King Du.t.tagaama.nii exhibited the
quality of compassion by refusing to enter

P.405

the heavenly realm after his previous life as an
ascetic (saama.nera) so that he could be reborn as a
prince and unite the regional rulers of Sri Lanka as
well as help develop the sangha and the Buddha's
teaching.(33) Though Du.t.tagaama.nii is not
referred to as a bodhisattva in the Mahaava.msa, he
appears to demonstrate certain bodhisattvic
qualities. Just as a bodhisattva renounces the
enlightenment of an arahant so that he could be
reborn countless times in this world of impermanence
and suffering out of compassion for all beings, so,
too, did King Du.t.tagaama.nii renounce the world of
the devas in order to return to this world of
suffering for the sake of the Buddhist doctrine and
out of compassion for all inhabitants on the island
of Sri Lanka.

Similar examples of bodhisattva-like compassion
are exhibited by King Sirisa.mghabodhi, who is said
to have risked his life to save the inhabitants of
Sri Lanka from a devastating drought(34) and who
even offered his own head in order to divert a
potential war;(35) by King Buddhadasa, who created
"happiness by every means for the inhabitants of the
island... [and who was] gifted with wisdom [i.e.,
pa~n~naa] and virtue [i.e., siila],... endowed with
the ten qualities of kings [i.e., the ten
raajadhammas],... [and] lived openly before the
people the life that bodhisattas lead and had pity
for (all) beings as a father (has pity for) his
children";(36) and especially by King Upatissa, who
fulfilled the ten bodhisattva perfections during his
reign.(37)

By the eighth century C.E., the amalgamation
between the institution of kingship and bodhisattvas
became even stronger. At this time, we find evidence
of certain Theravaadin kings in Sri Lanka, Burma,
and Thailand who openly declared themselves to be
bodhisattvas. For example, King Ni`s`sanka Malla
(1187-1196 C.E.) of Polonnaruva, Ceylon, states that
"I will show my self in my [true] body which is
endowed with benevolent regard for and attachment to
the virtuous qualities of a bodhisattva king, who
like a parent, protects the world and the
religion."(38) In other epigraphical markings, there
is a reference to King Paraakramabaahu VI as
"Bodhisatva [sic] Paraakrama Baahu."(39) Finally,
the conflation of kings and bodhisattvas on the
island of Sri Lanka is established most strongly by
King Mahinda IV, who not only referred to himself as
a bodhisattva as a result of his bodhisattva-like
resolute determination,(40) but who even went so far
as to proclaim that "none but the bodhisattas would
become kings of prosperous La^nkaa."(41)

In Burma, the relationship between kings and
bodhisattvas is exemplified with King Kyanzittha,
who claimed himself to be "the bodhisatva [sic], who
shall verily become a Buddha that saves (and)
redeems all beings, who is great in love (and)
compassion for all beings at all times... [and] who
was foretold by the Lord Buddha, who is to become a
true Buddha."(42) In another instance, King
Alaungsithu wrote that he would like to build a
causeway to help all beings reach "The Blessed City
[i.e.,

P.406

nirvaa.na]."(43) Finally, kings `Srii
Tribhuvanaaditya, Thilui^n Ma^n, Ca~nsuu I, and
Naato^nmyaa all referred to themselves as
bodhisattvas.(44)

In Thailand, a similar connection is drawn. One
example of a Thai bodhisattva-king is Lu T'ai of
Sukhothai who "wished to become a Buddha to help all
beings... leave behind the sufferings of
transmigration."(45) The relation between King Lu
T'ai and bodhisattvahood is also manifested by the
events occurring at his ordination ceremony that
were similar to "the ordinary course of happenings
in the career of a Bodhisattva."(46)

While it may by argued that these bodhisattva
kings were influenced by certain Mahaayaana
doctrines when they appropriated certain
bodhisattvic qualities or took the bodhisattva vow,
this does not invalidate the relationship between
kingship and bodhisattvas in Theravaada Buddhism.
Though a link may be established between these
bodhisattva kings and Mahaayaana Buddhism, this does
not dismiss the fact that the bodhisattva ideal was
taken seriously by Theravaadin kings or that the
bodhisattva ideal has a place in Theravaada Buddhist
theory and practice. Moreover, while it may be
possible to posit that these kings were influenced
by Mahaayaana concepts, it is impossible to
demonstrate that these kings were only influenced by
Mahaayaana Buddhism; just because a king may have
been influenced by Mahaayaana ideas does not mean
that certain Theravaada ideas, including the ideas
of a bodhisattva as found in the Buddhava.msa and
Cariyaapi.taka, were not equally influential.

The presence of a bodhisattva ideal in
Theravaada Buddhism is also represented by the
numerous examples of other Theravaadins who have
either referred to themselves or have been referred
to by others as bodhisattvas. The celebrated
commentator Buddhaghosa, for example, was viewed by
the monks of the Anuraadhapura monastery as being,
without doubt, an incarnation of Metteyya.(47) There
are even some instances of Theravaadin monks who
expressed their desire to become fully enlightened
buddhas. For instance, the twentieth-century
bhikkhu, Doratiyaaveye of Sri Lanka (ca. 1900),
after being deemed worthy of receiving certain
secret teachings by his meditation teacher, refused
to practice such techniques because he felt that it
would cause him to enter on the Path and attain the
level of arahant in this lifetime or within seven
lives (i.e., by becoming a sottaapanna). This was
unacceptable to Doratiyaaveye because he saw himself
as a bodhisattva who had already made a vow to
attain buddhahood in the future.(48)

The vow to become a buddha was also taken by
certain Theravaadin textual copyists and authors.
The author of the commentary on the Jaataka (the
Jaataka.t.takathaa), for example, concludes his work
with the vow to complete the ten bodhisattva
perfections in the future so that he will become a
buddha and liberate "the whole world with its gods
from the bondage of repeated births... [and] guide
them to the most excellent

P.407

and tranquil Nibbaana."(49) Another example of a
Theravaadin author who wished to become a buddha by
following the bodhisattva-yaana is the `Srii
La^nkaan monk Mahaa-Tipi.taka Cuulaabhaya. In his
twelfth-century subcommentary on the Questions of
King Milinda, he "wrote in the colophon at the end
of the work that he wished to become a buddha:
Buddho Bhaveyya.m 'May I become a Buddha.'"(50)

A Reevaluation of the Bodhisattva-`Sraavaka Opposition

While many 'canonical uses of the term
"bodhisattva" refer to Gotama prior to his
attainment of buddhahood, in other canonical texts
(such as the Buddhava.msa), the term designates a
being who, out of compassion for other beings, vows
to become a fully and completely enlightened buddha
(sammaasambuddha), performs various acts of merit,
renounces the enlightenment of arahants, receives a
prophecy of his future buddhahood, and fulfills or
completes the ten bodhisattva perfections. In
addition, the bodhisattva ideal was also developed
in terms of its application. Not only does the word
"bodhisattva" pertain to Gotama and all previous
buddhas before their enlightenment, it also applies
to any being who wishes to pursue the path to
perfect buddhahood. This new development resulted in
a more general adherence to the ideal by numerous
Theravaadin kings, monks, textual scholars, and even
lay people.(51)

The presence and scope of the bodhisattva ideal
in Theravaada Buddhist theory and practice, then,
appears to belie Naagaarjuna's, Asa^nga's, and
Candrakiirti's claims not only that the "subjects
based on the deeds of Bodhisattvas were not
mentioned in the [Hiinayaana] suutras," but also
that the lesser vehicle (Hiinayaana) knows nothing
of the "stages of the career of the future
Buddha,(52) the perfect virtues (paaramitta), the
resolutions or vows to save all creatures, the
application of merit to the acquisition of the
quality of Buddha, [and] the great compassion." In
addition, the presence of a developed bodhisattva
doctrine in the Buddhava.msa and the Cariyaapi.taka
also calls into question the commonly held belief
that the bodhisattva ideal underwent major doctrinal
developments in early Mahaayaana Buddhism; there are
numerous similarities between the bodhisathra ideal
as found in the Buddhava.msa and as found in certain
early Mahaayaana Buddhist texts such as the
Ratnagu.nasa.mcayagaathaa.(53) Both of these texts,
for instance, express the need for the completion of
certain bodhisattva perfections, the importance of
making a vow to become a buddha, the notion of
accumulating and applying merit for the attainment
of buddhahood, the role of compassion, and the
implicit presence of certain bodhisattva stages.

Even though the bodhisattva ideal did not
undergo substantial doctrinal developments between
the later canonical texts and certain early
Mahaayaana texts, it was developed in terms of its
application. Whereas the goal of becoming a buddha
becomes the focus of the Mahaayaana

P.408

tradition, this goal remains de-emphasized in the
Theravaadin tradition. In other words, although the
bodhisattva ideal in Mahaayaana Buddhism becomes a
goal that is applied to everyone, the same ideal in
Theravaada Buddhism is reserved for the exceptional
person. This distinction is described by Walpola
Rahula:

Though the Theravaadins believe that anyone can
become a bodhisattva, they do not stipulate or
insist that everyone must become a
bodhisattva--this is not considered to be
reasonable. It is up to the individual to decide
which path to take, that of the `Sraavaka, that
of the Pratyekabuddha, or that of the
Samyaksambuddha [i.e., sammaasambuddha].(54)

The state of buddhahood is highly praised in
both traditions. In Mahaayaana Buddhism, this praise
for and focus on the ideal of buddhahood has
resulted in a vast amount of literature centered on
the bodhisattva ideal. In the Theravaadin tradition,
on the other hand, the high regard for buddhahood
has never led to a universal application of the
goal, nor has it resulted in a vast amount of
literature in which the bodhisattva concept is
delineated. As K. R. Norman posits: "The Buddhavamsa
is therefore a developed Bodhisattva doctrine, but
it was not developed further, even in the
Abhidharma."(55)

These above-mentioned differences between the
two traditions are essential and are a useful means
to distinguish Theravaada from Mahaayaana Buddhism.
Rather than simply identifying the bodhisattva-yaana
with the various Mahaayaana schools and the
`sraavaka-yaana with the numerous Hiinayaana schools
(as does the old model, which illustrates the ideas
put forth by Naagaarjuna, Asa^nga, and
Candrakiirti), the revised theoretical model may
more accurately portray the differences that exist
between the two yaanas by referring to Mahaayaana
Buddhism as a vehicle in which the bodhisattva ideal
is more universally applied, and to Theravaada
Buddhism as a vehicle in which the bodhisattva ideal
is reserved for and appropriated by certain
exceptional people. Put somewhat differently, while
the bodhisattva-yaana and the goal of buddhahood
continues to be accepted as one of three possible
goals by followers of Theravaada Buddhism, this same
goal becomes viewed as the only acceptable goal by
followers of Mahaayaana Buddhism. Hence, it should
be stressed that the change introduced by the
Mahaayaana traditions is not so much an invention of
a new type of saint or a new ideology, but rather a
taking of an exceptional ideal and bringing it into
prominence.(56)

NOTES

An earlier version of this article was presented at
the American Academy of Religion, Rocky
Mountains-Great Plains Region, in April 1995.

P.409

Numerous people have been instrumental in its
completion. I would like to thank Jose Cabezon,
Robert Lester, and Reginald Ray for reading the
rough drafts and making valuable suggestions on how
it might be improved. I also wish to thank the two
anonymous readers for their comments and
suggestions. Finally, I would like to thank my wife,
Benedicte F. Bossut, for her direct involvement in
all stages of the production of this article,
especially for her editorial suggestions. Any
errors, oversights, and inaccuracies that remain,
however, are solely the responsibility of the
author.

1 - John C. Holt, Buddha in the Crown:
Avalokitesvara in the Buddhist Traditions of Sri
Lanka (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991),
pp. viii-ix.

2 - Naagaarjuna, Precious Garland of Advice for the
King and the Song of the Four Mindfulnesses,
trans. Jeffrey Hopkins and Lati Rimpoche, The
Wisdom of Tibet Series, no. 2 (London: George
Allen and Unwin, 1975), v. 390.

3 - Ibid., v. 391.

4 - Ibid., v. 393.

5 - Richard S. Cohen, "Discontented Categories:
Hiinayaana and Mahaayaana in Indian Buddhist
History," Journal of the American Academy of
Religion 63 (1) (1995): pp. 2-3.

6 - Asa^nga, Mahaayaanasuutraala.mkaara, trans.
Surekha Vijay Limaye, Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica
Series, no. 94 (Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications,
1992), 1:9.

7 - ibid., 1:10.

8 - Yaana.m hiina.m hiinam eva tat na tan
Mahaayaana.m bhavitum arhati (ibid.) . The
identification of the Hiinayaana schools of
Buddhism with the `sraavaka-yaana made by
Asa^nga has been adopted by certain later
scholars. For instance, Har Dayal makes this
same identification as follows: "Corresponding
to these three kinds of bodhi, there are three
yaanas or "Ways," which lead an aspirant to the
goal. The third yaana was at first called the
bodhisattva-yaana, but it was subsequently
re-named mahaa-yaana. The other two yaanas
(i.e., the `sraavaka-yaana and the
pratyekabuddha-yaana) were spoken of as the
hiina-yaana" (The Bodhisattva Doctrine in
Buddhist Sanskrit Literature [Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1975], p. 11). The identification
of Hiinayaana Buddhism with the `sraavaka-yaana
is also made by scholars like Leon Hurvitz, in
Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine
Dharma (New York: Columbia University Press,
1976) , p. 116, and M. Monier-Williams, A
Sanskrit-English Dictionary (Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1990), p. 1097.

P.410

9 - Louis de La Vallee Poussin, "Bodhisattva, " in
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1913), 8:334.

10 - Andre Bareau, Les Sectes Bouddhiques du Petit
Vehicule (Paris: Ecole Francaise
D'Extreme-Orient, 1955).

11 - "Pubbe va me, bhikkhave, sambodhaa,
anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattassa sato, edad
ahosi." The suttas in which the word
"bodhisattva" follows this prelude are:
Majjhima Nikaaya 1:17, 92, 114, 163, 240; 2:93,
211; 3:157; Anguttara Nikaaya 3:240; 4:302,
438; and Samyutta Nikaaya 2:4; 3:27; 4:233;
5:281, 316. Unless otherwise indicated, all
references to the Paali canon are from the
English translation of the Paali Text Society.

12 - Majjhima Nikaaya 3:119-120, and Diigha Nikaaya
2:108.

13 - Richard Gombrich, "The Significance of Former
Buddhas in the Theravaadin Tradition," Buddhist
Studies in Honour of Walpola Rahula, ed.
Somaratna Balasooriya et al. (London: Gordon
Fraser Gallery, 1980), p. 68.

14 - H. Saddhatissa, trans., The Sutta-Nipata
(London: Curzon Press, 1985), v. 683.

15-Ibid., v. 693.

16 - The vow to become a buddha includes both the
qualities of mental determination (i.e.,
manopa.nidhi) and aspiration
(abhiniihaarakara.na) to attain buddhahood; to
engage in the long and arduous path to complete
and perfect enlightenment (i.e.,
sammaasambuddha) . Whereas the mental
determination to become a buddha is made
silently to oneself and is analogous to the
Mahaayaana concept of bodhicitta or "thought of
Enlightenment," the aspiration is usually made
in the presence of an existing buddha. Though
the mental determination to become a buddha
occurs only once, the aspiration to attain
buddhahood must be repeated in the presence of
all subsequent buddhas (I. B. Horner,
introduction to the Buddhava.msa [Chronicles of
the Buddha], Sacred Books of the Buddhists,
vol. 31 [London: Paali Text Society, 1975], pp.
xiv-xv). The dearest example of a bodhisattva
vow is found in BUddhava.msa 2A:56 ff., where
the bodhisattva Sumedha thought:

What is the use of my crossing over alone,
being a man aware of my strength? Having
reached omniscience, I will cause the world
together with the devas to cross over. Cutting
through the stream of sa.msaara, shattering the
three becomings, embarking in the ship of
Dhamma, I will cause the world with the devas
to cross over.

P.411

17 - A list of the various meritorious acts
performed by Gotama to each of the twenty-four
previous buddhas is delineated by I. B. Horner,
in her introduction to the Buddhava.msa, pp.
xlix ff. One example of a meritorious act
performed for a Buddha can be found in the
chronicle of Sumedha. When Sumedha heard that
the then buddha--Diipa^nkara--was to pass a
long a road, he, as an act of merit, offered to
clear a section of the path:

When I heard "Buddha," zest arose immediately.
Saying "Buddha, Buddha" I expressed my
happiness. Standing there elated, stirred in
mind, reasoned, "Here will I sow seeds [of
merit]; indeed, let not the moment pass! If you
are clearing for a Buddha, give me one section.
I myself will also clear the direct way, the
path and road" (Buddhavam.sa 2A:42 ff.).

Before Sumedha was able to finish the section
of the road allotted to him, Diipa^nkara
arrived accompanied by four hundred thousand
arahants. As a result of not having finished
his task of preparing the road, Sumedha
prostrated himself in the mud and offered his
body to Diipa^nkara for walking on (2A:52-53).

18 - See, for instance, Buddhavam.sa 2A:61 ff. These
developments have a great affect on the ways in
which the term "bodhisattva" is used. As
Gombrich posits, "Any future Buddha is a
Bodhisattva (by definition) , but with the
appearance of this theory one formally becomes
a Bodhisattva by taking a vow in the presence
of a Buddha and receiving his prediction" ("The
Significance of Former Buddhas," p. 68).

19 - Buddhavam.sa 2A:54-55.

20 - The ten perfections are mentioned numerous
times in the Buddhava.msa. See, for example,
Buddhava.m.sa 2A:117 ff., 4:14, 5:20, and 6:14.

21 - In Buddhavam.sa 1:76-77, Saariputta asks the
Buddha about his process of Awakening and how
he fulfilled the ten perfections. He then asks:
"Of what kind, wise one, leader of the world,
were your ten perfections? How were the higher
perfections fulfilled, trow the ultimate
perfections?"

22 - Cariyaapi.taka 1:1-1:8 and 1:9.

23 - Ibid., 1:8:2-3.

24 - Ibid., 1:10:9, 1:10:22-23.

25 - Diigha Nikaaya 2:1-7.

26 - For instance, we find: "Now Vipassii, brethren,
when as a Bodhisat[ta], he ceased to belong to
the hosts of the heaven of Delight, descended
into his mother's womb mindful and
self-possessed" (Diigha Nikaaya 2:12).

P.412

27 - In many of the following paragraphs, for
instance, we find the phrase "It is the rule,
brethren, that...." (Ayam ettha dhammataa) used
to refer to the paradigm set by Vipassii.

28 - Samyutta Nikaaya 2:4 ff. The six previous
buddhas mentioned in the Diigha and Samyutta
Nikaayas are increased to twenty-four and even
to twenty-seven in later canonical texts such
as the Buddhava.msa. In yet a later canonical
text, the Apadaana of the Khuddaka-Nikaaya, the
number of previous buddhas increases to more
than thirty-five.

29 - Diigha Nikaaya 3:76.

30 - Ibid., 3:114. Though the possibility for the
existence of other future buddhas beside
Metteyya is mentioned only briefly in the Paali
canon, in other post-canonical Theravaadin
texts, there are more specific references to
future bodhisattvas and buddhas. For instance,
in the Dasabodhisattuppattikathaa, the
Dasabodhisattaddesa, and in one recension of
the Anaagatava.msa Desanaa, the nine
bodhisattvas who will follow Maitreya are
mentioned. Moreover, in one recension of the
Dasabodhisattuppattikathaa, we even find the
places of residence of seven of the ten
bodhisattvas: Metteyya, Raama, Pasena, and
Vibhuuti are presently residing in Tu.sita
heaven and Subhuuti, Naalaagiri, and Paarileyya
are now in Taavati.msa heaven. Thus, it appears
that the Theravaadin tradition acknowledges
certain "celestial" bodhisattvas who are
currently residing in various heavenly realms
and not that the only recognized bodhisattva in
Theravaada Buddhism is Maitreya (Edward Conze,
Thirty Years of Buddhist Studies: Selected
Essays by Edward Conze [Oxford: Bruno Cassirer,
1967], p. 38).

31 - Khuddakapaa.tha 8:15-16.

32 - Though the accessibility of these three goals
to all beings is only briefly mentioned in the
Khuddakapaa.tha, in the Upaasakajanaala^nkaara
(a twelfth-century Paali text dealing with lay
Buddhist ethics), all three ways of liberation
are clearly admitted (Hajime Nakamura, Indian
Buddhism: A Survey with Bibliographical Notes
[Osaka: Kufs Publication, 1980], p. 119).

33 - Mahaava.msa 22:25-41.

34 - Ibid., 36:76. There is a remarkable parallel
between King Sirisa.mghabodhi, who risked his
life to avert a devastating drought, and King
Vessantara, who gave away his precious elephant
to avert a drought in Kaali^nga.

35 - Mahaava.msa 36:91 ff. The willingness to offer
his own life to avert the potential suffering
of his subjects appears to have some origin in
the life of King Vessantara, who was willing to
offer his life to fulfill

P.413

the perfection of giving. After commenting on
the bodhisattva-like nature of King
Sirisa.mghabodhi, John Holt argues: "By his
actions, Sirisanghabodhi very clearly cuts the
figure of an earthly, royal bodhisattva, and
almost a Mahaayaana bodhisattva at that"
(Buddha in the Crown, p. 59) .

36 - Cuu.lava.msa, 37:106 ff.

37 - Ibid., 37:180.

38 - Epigraphia Zeylanica, 2:76.

39 - Ibid., 3:67. This passage is translated on
pages 68-69 of the same volume.

40 - Ibid., 1:227.

41 - Ibid., 1:240.

42 - Epigraphia Burmanica, 1:146.

43 - P. M. Tin, "The Shwegugyi Pagoda Inscriptions,
Pagan 1141 A.D.," The Journal of the Burma
Research Society 10 (2) (1920): 72.

44 - T. Tun, "Religion in Burma, A.D. 100-1300," The
Journal of the Burma Research Society 42
(1959): 53.

45 - E. Sarkisyanz, Buddhist Backgrounds of the
Burmese Revolution (The Hague: Martinus
Nijhoff, 1965), p. 47.

46 - B. W. Andaya, "Statecraft in the Reign of Lu
T'ai of Sukhodaya, " in Religion and
Legitimation of Power in Thailand, Laos, Burma,
ed. Barwell L. Smith (Chambersburg:
Conocosheague Associates, 1978), p. 13.

47 - Cuu.lava.msa 37:242. In commenting on this
story, Holt posits: "What this... seem[s] to
suggest is that not only did Maitreya come to
be associated with visions of perfected
kingship, but he also seems to have been
continuously associated with the ideal of the
perfected monk" (Buddha in the Crown, p. 8).
Even though Buddhaghosa was depicted as being
an incarnation of Metteyya, he is never
described as taking a bodhisattva vow and as
practicing certain bodhisattva perfections.

48 - F. L. Woodward, trans., A Manual of a Mystic:
Being a Translation from the Pail and Sinhalese
Work Entitled "The Yogavachara's Manual"
(London: Oxford University Press, 1916), pp.
xvii-xviii.

49 - H. Saddhatissa, The Birth-Stories of the Ten
Bodhisattas and the Dasabodhisattuppattikatha,
Sacred Books of the Buddhists, vol. 29 London:
Paali Text Society, 1975), pp. 38-39.

P.414

50 - Milinda Tiikaa (Paali Text Society), p. 73;
quoted in Walpola Rahula, "L'ideal du
bodhisattva dans le Theravada et le
Mahaayaana," Journal Asiatique, 1971, p. 69.

51 - There is evidence that suggests that certain
lay people living in Sri Lanka took bodhisattva
vows to attain buddhahood. For example, we find
that two Sri Lankans, after freeing their
children and wives from slavery, dedicated the
merit derived from these actions "for
the.benefit of all beings" (Epigraphia
Zeylanica, 4:133, nos. 1-4) as well as to their
own attainment of "Buddhahood as desired"
(ibid., 4:133, nos. 2-3). We also find a
similar wish made by a "lay" person who lived
between the fifth and eighth centuries and who
sculpted or commissioned the sculpting of a
rock in the shape of a stuupa. The person then
dedicated the merit accrued from his
undertaking for the benefit of all beings and
for his attainment of buddhahood. He writes:

By this merit, may I be able, in every
succeeding rebirth, to relive all the suffering
of the world and to bestow complete happiness
[on humanity]. [May I also always] be full of
forbearance and compassion.

By this merit, may I vanquish the foes, Maara
... and sin; and having attained to that
supreme state of Buddhahood, may I, with my
hand of great compassion, deliver suffering
humanity from the extensive quagmire of
sa.msaara (ibid., 3:161; neither the brackets
nor the ellipses are mine).

One cautionary note concerning these examples
must be made. While there is evidence that
certain Sri Lankans took a bodhisattva vow,
there is not sufficient evidence to suggest
that these people were, in fact, Theravaadins.

52 - While the concept of the bodhisattva stages is
not overtly delineated in the Buddhava.msa, it
is implicit in the text. The stages found in
the Buddhavam.sa, though, closely resemble the
four bhuumi outlined in one section of the
Mahaavastu, and not the traditional ten stages
found in the Da`sabhuumika Suutra. These four
stages outlined in the Mahaavastu (1:1 and 46
ff.) are: (a) the natural career
(prak.rti-caryaa) , in which a bodhisattva
acquires merit by living a righteous life,
giving alms to the sangha, and honoring the
buddhas; (b) the resolving stage
(pra.nidhaana-caryaa), in which a bodhisattva
makes a vow to attain buddhahood; (c) the
conforming stage (anuloma-caryaa), in which a
bodhisattva advances to his goal by fulfilling
the perfections (paaramitaa); and finally, (d)
the preserving stage (anivartana-caryaa) ,
whereby a bodhisattva is destined to become a
buddha and cannot turn back from the path to
buddhahod.

In the Buddhava.msa, these four stages are
implicit in the chronicle of Sumedha. For
example, Sumedha first performed an act of
merit to the Buddha Diipa^nkara by lying in the
mud (natural

P.415

career); he then made a mental resolution to
become a buddha in the future (resolving stage)
; he then examined (and worked on completing)
the ten perfections (conforming stage); and
finally, he became assured of the attainment of
buddhahood by receiving a prediction from
Diipa^nkara and by the occurrences of certain
supernatural events that caused him to resolve
to attain buddhahood (preserving stage) .
Contrary to the Mahaavastu, however, all of the
four stages implicit in the Buddhava.msa are
reached in each lifetime of Gotama's
bodhisattva career and not over a number of
lifetimes.

53 - This point is more fully developed in chapter
four of my M.A. thesis, "Bodhisattva Ideal in
Theravaada Buddhism: With Special Reference to
the Suutra-Pi.taka" (University of Colorado,
1995). It may be argued, however, that while
the Buddhava.msa contains the central doctrines
associated with the bodhisattva ideal, this
text was heavily influenced by certain
Mahaayaana Buddhist schools of thought. While
this idea is sometimes asserted (E. J. Thomas,
The History of Buddhist Thought [London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1953], pp. 147-148),
it has not been confirmed. In fact, the
opposite assertion may also be made. This may
be supported by the dating of texts. For
example, though the Buddhava.msa is a
relatively late addition to the Paali canon,
according to certain scholars (e.g., Gombrich,
"The Significance of Former Buddhas," p. 68,
and A. K. Warder, Indian Buddhism [Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1991], p. 298), this text
may be dated from the third to the second
century B.C.E. This approximate date is also
supported by the fact that there is a parallel
version of this text in the Mahaavastu, which
has been dated to the first century B.C.E.
(Etienne Lamotte, History of Indian Buddhism:
From the Origins to the Saka Era, trans. Sara
Webb-Boin [Paris: L'Institute Orientaliste de
Louvain, 1988], p. 158) . Hence, the
Buddhava.msa may actually precede the earliest
Mahaayaana text, the Ratnagu.nasa.mcayagaathaa
(which has been dated by Conze to the first
century B.C.E.), by at least one hundred years.

54 - Walpola Rahula, "L'ideal du bodhisattva dans le
Theravada et le Mahaayaana," Journal Asiatique,
1971, p. 69.

55 - K. R. Norman, Pali Literature: Including the
Canonical Literature in Prakrit and Sanskrit of
All the Hinayana Schools of Buddhism, A History
of Indian Literature, vol. 7, fasc. 2
(Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasowitz, 1983), p. 94.

56 - Reginald Ray, Buddhist Saints in India: A Study
of Buddhist Values and Orientations (London:
Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 251.